Anti †Discrimination Laws Related to Employment Essay

*About us: Partners in reading are a company that was established in 2000. We provide children with one on one reading support. In a structured environment that is web based the curriculum engages our students. This program also provides basic building blocks to supplement the children’s academic growth. *Summary of position: Partner in reading is looking for a talented administrative assistant to provide much needed administrative support. Your job description ranges from general office support to calendaring, expense reconciliation travel and planning for events and preparing board meetings minutes and follow us. The most qualified person for the job will have a strong work ethic. They will possess in performance with much attention to detail. The candidate will take imitative and apply their knowledge with little to no direction. Diplomacy, tact, calendar fluency travel arrangements and time management is a big part of the job. *Responsibilities: Office management Development and outreach coordinator Executive and administrative support *Qualifications: Bachelor’s degree or equivalent experience Two years prior work experience in a professional setting Great communication skills, organizational and interpersonal skills Excellent computer skills experience with Microsoft, excel, power point and word *Preferred Qualifications: Past experience with nonprofit section Strong technology skills, fluent with goggle apps and internet search skills Project management skills experience managing and working with groups to accomplish a bigger goal *Compensation: Depends on experience *10 Illegal Questions: Where were you born? What is your native language? Are you married? Do you plan to get pregnant? How old are you? Do you observe Yom Kippur? Do you have a disability or chronic illness? Are you in the National Guard? Do you smoke or use alcohol? *10 Legal Questions: Background Career choice Life goals Interests outside of work Education Strengths and weaknesses Best job Why should I hire you? How do you handle stress and pressure? How do you evaluate success? Some interview questions can get the interviewer in trouble and can destroy the success of the interview. Avoid tops that can very easily qualify you for a discrimination lawsuit. Poorly structured phases will result in weak answers or may even scare the candidate away. Questions should pertain to the job that your interviewing for this will be the safest way to interview a potential employee. Doyle, A. Top 10 Interview Questions www.jobsearch.about.com/od/interviewquestions/a/top10interviewquestions Thornberry’s. (2007) 10 Illegal job interview questions www.techrepublic.com/blog/10things/steer-clear-of-these-10-illegal0job-interview-questions/229

Financial Analysis of Victoria Secret Essay

INCOME STATEMENT ANALYSIS Victoria Secret appears to be a profitable company. Victoria Secret is part of L Brands whose operating income was at $ 211 million, up by $24 million from the last quarter. Specifically at Victoria’s Secret, sales increased by 4% to reach 5.4 billion but operating income decreased by 6% to 1.71 billion. It appears that Victoria Secret’s major expense was their Cost of Goods Sold, COGS, which totaled at 1.3144 billion. The gross profit percentage as at February 2013 was 47.87% (NASDAQ, 2014). BALANCE SHEET ANALYSIS Assets of Victoria’s Secret have steadily increased in the last three fiscal years. As at November 2013, return on Assets was at 12.73% up from 12.2% in January 2013. Return on equities has been high as well, at 105.39% in January 2012, up from 44% in 2011. Liabilities have also sadly increased in the last four years. Expenses have increased from $630 million in August  2013 to $645 million in November 2013 (L Brands, 2014). The Cost of Goods Sold has decreased however, from $1.527 billion in August 2013 to $1.314 billion in November 2013. Total liabilities were at $7.456 billion in November 2013, up from $6.933 billion in August 2013 (NASDAQ, 2014). STATEMENT OF STOCKHOLDER’S EQUITY Retained earnings were in the negatives for Victoria’s Secret stockholders. As at November 2013 it was -$519 million. Common stock was at $153 million but treasury stock was at a negative of -$740 million (NASDAQ, 2014). STATEMENT OF CASH FLOWS The net cash provided as a result of operating activities as at January 2014was at 1.279 billion dollars, while the net cash provided as a result of investing activities at -$106 million (L Brands, 2014). The net cash provided as a result of financing activities was also at a negative at -$78 million. The negative cash flows brought about by investing and financing activities imply that they have cost the company more money in their undertaking than they have brought in. However, the large cash flows brought in by operating activities are more than enough to cover the losses brought about by the other categories, so the negative cash flows do not worry me too much. FINANCIAL RATIO ANALYSIS After conducting the financial ratios for Victoria Secrets, it is clear to me that they are able to fulfill consumer demands while maintaining financial stability. Their Liquidity Measures ratios suggests that the company is able to adequately pay for the liabilities while investing assets  in a strategic manner. Net Working Capital to Total Assets results show that Victoria Secret is able to efficiently turn assets and cover short-term liabilities. The company is in fair health, however there is a decline in 2011-2013, suggesting a slight trouble turning their assets into cash fast  enough to cover their liabilities. For their collection period it takes about 7-8 days for Victoria Secret to collect cash, meaning that they collect cash quickly for reinvestment purposes. Victoria Secret depletes and replenishes their inventory at least five times per year to satisfy their consumer demand. Fixed Asset Turnover for Victoria Secret proves that they are able to use their fixed assets effectively towards sales revenues. They are able to generate $4 to $5 of sales for every $1 that is invested in fixed assets. Their debt/leverage measures the low debt to total asset ratio implies that Victoria Secret assets are financed more through equity rather than debt and that they are using a conservative capital structure; ultimately, by keeping their debts low and manageable, they have a financial advantage. However, Victoria Secret may not be taking advantage of their increase profits that comes with financial advantage. Victoria Secret’s gross profit margin is above industry norms, indicating that Victoria Secret is generating strong sales prices that are relative to their cost of goods sold. Victoria Secret’s operating profit margin ratio shows that they have complete and effective control of their operating costs, however their sales could be increasing faster than their operating costs. The net profit margin ratios suggests that Victoria Secret has a some cushioning that will help protect them in case of hard times. Victoria Secret is effectively managing and turning assets into generating earnings and income on new investments. Victoria Secret makes at least $2.50 per share and is generating a significant dividend for their investors, which leads investors anticipating a higher future growth. SALES FORECASTING During performing the sales forecast for Victoria’s Secret, I learned that for most part that Victoria’s Secret has an incline in their profits. They have however hit a few bumps here and there. The causes of this could be more cost for Victoria’s Secret purchasing materials and production of their products. Another reason for this could also be a slower rate in sales than usual. Like I said, for the most Victoria Secret has seen an incline in their profits and sales throughout the years. Performing the percentage of sales forecast for Victoria’s Secret, I established a forecasted sales of 5  percent which means that they would have to have a sales of $2,808 compared to their last years $2,675. This is a very feasible number for Victoria Secret to achieve, considering that majority of their money in assets outweighs their liabilities. The EFN, External Financing Needed, for Victoria Secret is $2,855. This indicates that Victoria Secret would need to obtain External Financing Needed to achieve the $2,808 forecasted sales level, which 5% more of their current sales revenue. SUBSTANTIAL GROWTH RATE ANALYSIS Victoria Secret has had a steady growth over the analyzed period. It has not been too slow or too fast, but one that shows that they are adequately handling the progressive growth of the company. This shows that Victoria Secret is paying close attention to all details of the organization. CONSEQUENCES FACED BY FIRMS THAT GROW AT A RATE THAT IS NOT CONSISTENT WITH THEIR SUSTAINABLE RATE Growing too fast as crazy as it may sound, does have potential consequences for the organizations. These consequences could come in the form of the organization not being able to fulfill customer demand, hire and/or train capable employees to accommodate for the growth, and difficulty in obtaining cash to support the growth. When an organizations too fast it will need more capital to support the growth. On the reverse side, a growth too slow can be as destructive as growing too fast. Slow growth can have the consequences of wanting or needing to expand their organization, however if they do decide to expand without the support of a sufficient revenue; then the organization runs into potential trouble with investors. If Victoria Secret grew at a rate where it was difficult for them to be consistent with their sustainable rate, then they would have either to find additional funding or consider eliminating some of their debt. IF THE FIRM GREW AT A RATE ABOVE OR BELOW THE SGR, HOW DID IT FINANCE ITS EXCESSIVE GROWTH OR REWARD ITS STOCKHOLDERS FOR THE UNDERPERFORMANCE Since Victoria Secret has a sustainable growth rate that is steady, they did not need to finance an excessive growth or reward their stockholders for an underperformance. Victoria Secret’s continued growth and success will depend on their ability to open and operate new stores and to expand and even remodel existing stores in a manner that is not only timely but also on a profitable basis. Accomplishing their new and existing store expansion goals will depend upon a number of factors, including their ability to collaborate with developers in order to obtain suitable sites for new and expanded stores, the hiring and training of qualified personnel, and the integration of new stores into existing operations. However, there are risks associated with these growths, which could be having a negative effect on their results of operations, financial condition and cash flows. FINAL ANALYSIS Upon my initial analysis on the financial performance of Victoria Secret, I assumed that were a profitable company. After performing the financial ratios analysis, forecast of sales analysis, and the substantial growth analysis; my assumption proved to be correct. Victoria Secret proves to be the most profitable business owned by L Brands. Granted Victoria Secret has had their fair share of bumps in the road, but because of their strategic financial plan, those bumps did not have a great deal of import financial for them. What I have learned from doing the financial analysis on Victoria Secret is that they are an organization who takes knowing their financial performance seriously. They know, understand, and most importantly can successfully create financial strategic plans can serves as a tool for their success, as well as prepare them in case of a â€Å"rainy day†. This is where majority of organizations fail in performing a financial analysis and preparing a financial strategic plan. Most organizations do not want to believe or even admit to the potential of having a â€Å"rainy day†, because in their eyes it sets them up for failure. Victoria Secret obviously knows the importance of embracing the idea of a â€Å"rainy day† and prepares for it, which is one of the many reasons they are such a successful organization. Conducting the financial analysis on Victoria Secret also proves that my prediction about how they are able to turn assets into income to can pay for their liabilities as well as have enough left over to reinvest back into the organization. Victoria Secret clearly understands that growth is crucial for the success of the organization while at the same keeping their growth maintainable without getting themselves into financial trouble. It is clear that Victoria Secret knows the importance of knowing how to do a financial analysis of their organization’s financial performance and using the analysis to build a strategic financial plan. I do believe that if Victoria Secret keeps a diligent watch on their financial performance and does regular financial analysis, they can continue to be a force to be reckoned with that they have been in the retail industry. References Baral, S. (2013). _The Challenge of Attaining Sustaintable Growth ._ Retrieved from http://prj.co.in/setup/business/paper77.pdf Business Town. (2003). _Pro Forma Balance Sheets._ Retrieved from http://www.businesstown.com/accounting/projections-balance.asp Business Town. (2003). _Pro Forma Income Statements._ Retrieved from http://www.businesstown.com/accounting/projections-statements.asp Hoovers. (2014). _Victoria’s Secret Stores, LLC. ._ Retrieved from http://www.hoovers.com/company-information/cs/competition.Victorias_Secret_Stores_LLC.d793812b13b17deb.html L Brands. (2014). _Financials._ Retrieved from http://www.lb.com/investors/financial_information/financials.aspx L Brands. (2014). _SEC Filings._ Retrieved from http://www.lb.com/investors/company_info/sec_filings.aspx Lane, M. (2014). _Percentage of Sales Method._ Retrieved from Business Finance Online: http://www.zenwealth.com/businessfinanceonline/FF/PercentageOfSales.html Lutz, A. (2013). _Why The Lingerie Industry Can’t Compete With Victoria’s Secret._ Retrieved from http://www.businessinsider.com/victorias-secret-will-beat-competition-2013-9 NASDAQ. (2014). _L Brands, Inc. Stock Report._ Retrieved from http://www.nasdaq.com/symbol/lb/stock-report

Marketing Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Marketing - Coursework Example In addition, it involves high initial cost since it needs the support of skilled faculties and well designed marketing charts. The application of scientifically developed questionnaires would assist the marketing team to reduce the errors to some extent. It is also discovered that an efficient market planning program would help the marketers to bring the associated costs within the framed budget. Ford Edsel, New Coke, and Beta Max Video are the three products whose adoption rates have been affected by factors like compatibility, relative advantage, and trialability. Economists have opined that the failure of Ford Edsel can be attributed to issues associated with adoption rates which arose from the factors of relative advantage and compatibility. It had not any attractive features more than other models of the ford. Similarly, the adoption rate of New Coke, a product of Coca-Cola has been affected by compatibility and trialability. It failed to assess customers’ interests. The feature of relative advantage negatively affected Beta Max Video, a subsidiary product of Sony. It had possessed almost similar features as that of the previous model U-matic.

Operation Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 3

Operation Management - Essay Example They could be involved in trading activities. Under such circumstances, there should a clear green channel established which reduces the lead time to a manageable limit. In these cases, the turnaround time could be limited to say, 48 hours. In such exception orders, the customer service executives and managers need to play the role of single window clearance agents. In other words, they need to be the face of the company. The customer service personnel need to be capable of handling all order related communication, product related enquiries and any other pertinent information. There should be no involvement of sales and marketing personnel. In the case, we read about exceptions relating to the prices. Necessary approvals are obtained and the orders are processed. However, we also need to address customers who automatically become eligible for some price cuts, once they have placed a certain defined quantum of orders. This information needs to be decided in coordination with finance and sales personnel. Accordingly, for the specific customers, the applicable price discounts could be automatically applied for either bulk orders or for cumulative orders that have exceeded defined tonnage. We reiterate that this process should be captured in SAP and should not fall within the daily purview of sales and marketing divisions. In our case, we talk about shipments by sea and road. The company also needs to consider air shipment as another possible mode for express delivery. There could be a certain class of customers who are keen on availing this facility. Accordingly, the third party logistics provider should be informed to use this option in specific cases. The customer service team should also make provisions for the right set of documentation relating to air shipment. The case mentions modes of dispatch. We find that it does not talk about measuring supply chain efficiencies. Unless the company measures performance

School Exclusion Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

School Exclusion - Essay Example The topic under consideration is school exclusion. In many years the choice of this topic is motivated by a number of good reasons which includes among other things: My experience working directly with young people excluded by schools, on alternative education provision programs puts me in a good position to bring in first hand account into the research work being carried out. In addition, I have worked on projects that are related to social problems such as joblessness, alcohol and substance abuse and its attendant increased crime proliferation. A common trend that was observed among the majority of people that I came into contact with during this period exhibited interesting features that boarded on the subject matter of this research. Almost all the people had a visible form of low level of formal education; they also had a history of unpleasant experiences in the school setting. Finally, it is important to state that current social and political policy places education at the centre for personal and social development, thus making the topic increasingly relevant to our day and age. It is against this background that Mr. Tony Blair former British Prime Minister was quoted as saying "The best defence against social exclusion is having a job, and the best way to get a job is to have a good education' (SEU 1999, Pp6). The Labour Government therefore committed itself to addressing the challenges posed by social inequalities. Consequently, in carrying out research on a topic which is of personal interest to me it is my desire to contribute to the body of existing knowledge in my research sphere and also as a reference point for future research work (Bell 1999 Pg2). Indeed, the question of social exclusion and its attendant ills on the wellbeing of society is of paramount importance to stakeholders and interest groups. Many have therefore called for a well conserted approach to studying and addressing it. Suffice to cite a few statistical data from the 1999 report of the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) on Truancy and School Exclusion: In the 1995/96 academic year there were 12,500 permanent exclusions; Schools have to report to LEAs fixed-term exclusions (defined as exclusions of between five and a maximum 15 days per term) but the information is not collated. OFSTED estimates there are around 100,000 a year. Some of these may be repeat exclusions of the same child; Most excluded pupils are white, male young teenagers. But a number of groups are disproportionately likely to be excluded; children with special needs are six times more likely than others to be excluded; African-Caribbean children are more than six times more likely to be excluded from the school system; Children in care are ten times more likely; 83 per cent of excluded pupils are boys. 80 per cent are between 12 and 15 and half are 14 or 15; Recent evidence however proves that exclusions at primary ages are rising fast - by 18 per cent as captured in the report; Exclusion rates vary greatly from school to school, but tend to be higher in areas of deprivation; Statistics from the SEU's report Preventing Social Exclusion (2001) sights: Of all rough sleepers only 38% have any educational qualifications; Young runaways are twice as likely to have been excluded from school compared to those who do not

Law of the Sea Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Law of the Sea - Essay Example The different provisions of this convention included setting of limits, navigation rules, exclusive economic zones, continental shelf, deep seabed mining, the exploitation regime, prospects of technology, the issue of universal participation in the convention, pioneer investors, protection of the marine environment, marine scientific research, and settlement of disputes3. The present study focuses on the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea 1982 and discusses about the powers that the Convention provides to flag, port and coastal states trying to determine its effectiveness and appropriateness towards prevention, control and minimization of pollution and damage to the marine environment. UN Convention of the Law of the Sea: Article 94 Presenting Duties of the Flag State: According to the Article 94 of the convention, it was the duty of every State to implement authority and be in command of the managerial, procedural and communal matters in regard to the ships flying its flag4. A regi ster of ships is required to be maintained in every State that contains the details of all the ships flying its flags excluding the ones that are not under the policies of international regulations5. While every State should follow their internal laws, they are supposed to execute significant control over the administration of the ship flying its flag as well as the masters, the crew and the officers associated with the ship6. The convention provides that every State has the responsibility to consider measures for safety in regard to the (a) the construction, equipment and seaworthiness of ships; (b) the manning of ships, labor conditions and the training of crews, taking into account the applicable international instruments; and (c) the use of signals, the maintenance of communications and the prevention of collisions7. The details of the ships flying its flag are required to be monitored and evaluated by qualified surveyors not only before the ships fly their flags but also at reg ular intervals once the ships have started. Charts, nautical publications and navigational equipment and instruments that are necessary for the purpose of navigation safety of the ship also need to be available8. Officers and masters in association of the ships should be suitably qualified in seamanship, routing, communications and marine engineering and that the crew members possess sufficient knowledge regarding the type, size, technology and equipment of the ship9. The convention also provides that the crew members as well as the officers and masters need to be acquainted well with the regulations as directed by the law for the safety of life at sea, the avoidance of collisions, the anticipation, diminution and power of marine pollution, and the maintenance of communications by radio10. For the implementation of the above mentioned measures, the convention also rules that every State should be familiar with the regulations, procedures and practices11 internationally stated and th us consider safety measures accordingly. A State has the provision of reporting to the flag State in case any irresponsibility or lack of proper control is observed by the State in relation to the ship flying its flag12. In case of any casualty or incident in navigation leading to loss of lives or in cases of serious

Research paper in business information management Essay

Research paper in business information management - Essay Example According to Armstrong (2008), the human resources are the most important ones that the company can have, without which it is impossible to run any business operations. Thus, the human resources are the human work force of an organization that is capable of running the business operations of the company and generate revenue. Human Resources Management (HRM) involves managing the organization’s workforce. It encompasses a wide range of activities involving recruitment of employees, providing with training, compensating for their job work, developing policies to protect and take care of their interest and creating strategies to retain the skilled employees (Barber, 2008). This suggests that managing the human resources involves a series of activities that eventually lead to the welfare of and self-development of the employees. This as a result leads to higher human capital for the organization, which in turn helps to improve overall productivity and efficiency of the organization. Thus, properly managing the human resources is imperative to the organizational success and sustainability. Over time, the function and responsibilities of the human resource department has evolved. Previously, the roles of the HR department (HRD) were to take care of the recruitment process, the employees’ payroll and maintain a steady work force. However, owing to the changing global business market environment, the job role of the HRD has expanded and evolved (Bondarouk, 2011). Now, apart from the recruitment process and managing payrolls, the HR managers also take care of the employee retention by improving their motivational level of the employees. This is mostly because, more than recruiting new employees, retaining the existing ones is quite important. Therefore, increasing their motivational level by offering a favourable working environment, an interesting job role and rewards will not only drive them to work harder but it will also make sure that they will not

English 101 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 5

English 101 - Essay Example The online course though pre –structured follows and asynchronous structure which is quite opposite to the Campus course which is a face – to – face synchronous course with potentially greater flexibility. The online course has one or two instructors and is team taught, whereas the campus course has only one instructor. In an online course, the participants take the course that is easily available and no attempt is made to see that students are assigned to courses according to their talent or ability. The Campus course gives the students opportunities to discuss with their professors and other peers as to which course would be suitable to study. Where studying for the course is concerned, the participants of the online courses spent fairly more time on studies each week, whereas the campus participants spent much lesser time. In an online course, though the atmosphere is conducive to learning, yet the classroom is not as lively as a campus classroom where students and professor conduct lively face – to – face discussions and interaction. Qureshi et al. (2002) noted that distance education students were less motivated than their on-campus peers. Others have expressed concern that online learners experience motivational problems as evidenced by high dropout rates (Cheng- Yuan 2000). Researchers are of the opinion that online students are more self – paced and enjoy greater autonomy unlike the on campus students who are restricted by a lot of rules and regulations. By enrolling themselves in online courses, the students procure greater technological experience and have a much better knowledge of how to handle computers which is quite opposite to the traditional campus courses. The participants of online courses were more driven by intrinsic motives without looking forward to traditional rewards of a regular class, but on campus participants prefer to embrace a more collaborative style of teaching – learning and obtain the rewards of the

Colonialism and the Struggles of the Black Psyche Essay Example for Free

Colonialism and the Struggles of the Black Psyche Essay The book â€Å"Black Skin, White Masks† by Frantz Fanon analyzes the psychological damage that colonialism wrought on the colonizer and the colonized. Fanon also bases his analyses on his own experiences, wherein he describes how black children develop neuroses that root from their antagonism of their own skin, because of the media and their daily circumstances: â€Å"The dominant colonial culture†¦identifies the black skin of the Negro with impurity; and the Antilleans accept this association and so come to despise themselves† (Appiah ix). The source of â€Å"Black Skin, White Masks† is the psychological injury from colonialism, racism, and gender inequality, an injury that will escape recovery, unless the black psyche conquers its inner white demons and alienate all that alienates him/her. Fanon writes from the experiences and psychiatric analyses of the black skin and the white masks that black people don. He describes a girl who is afraid of black people: â€Å"†¦it is at this age that the Negro as savage and cannibal makes his appearance. It is easy to make the connection† (Fanon 184). This fear for the black skin is also emphasized and criticized in the painting â€Å"How Do You Like Me Now† (1988) (fig. 1) by David Hammons. This fourteen-by-sixteen-foot painting shows political leader Jesse Jackson with blond, wavy hair, blue eyes, pink cheeks, and white skin. The title is also a song of a popular rapper Kool Moe Dee. This painting can be interpreted from different perspectives. Barnwell and Buick argue that white viewers can see the painting from their perspective, wherein they are challenged to see through their biases and consider voting for a black man, now that he is â€Å"whitened. At the same time, the painting â€Å"asks black viewers whether they would support Jackson if he were white,† say Barnwell and Buick. On the other hand, the interpretation of the paintings also changes with the race of the artist. Barnwell and Buick explore the changes in meanings of the artwork, if Hammons race is changed from black to white. This painting has bee n attacked ten black men, who thought that it was racist and insulting, and they used sledgehammers to assail it and take it away from its scaffolding. Barnwell and Buick wonder if the black group would have still destroyed the painting, if they knew that the painter was black and that he was merely satirizing the color lines that enslave people’s minds. Clearly, blackness and whiteness release the innermost values and emotions of the people. The reactions can reflect the anger and despondency of the subjugated black race. â€Å"How Do You Like Me Now† (1988), as seen by the violent response of some people, has clearly marred the colonized. Colonialism has injured the black psyche to the extent that violence has been etched into it too. Colonialism has stripped black people of the right to define their identities, by caricaturing their existence and purpose in life. Colonialism, like slavery, skews the black people’s right to humanity and power. Violence, however, can regain this loss of power and replace the sense of loss. Through violence, the gap between power and powerlessness can be filled again. â€Å"How Do You Like Me Now† (1988) also remarks on the damage of colonization and racism to the colonizer. From the racist white perspective, this blonde man is a person who has greater potential for being a president. If faced with a black person, with black eyes and curly hair, the racist white would be offended with the overarching blackness. It will feel, like Fanon’s little girl who is afraid of black people, that they are being assaulted. The size of the painting also asserts power. But since colonial and white America would not consider any immense power from the black people, it is important to wear the white mask. With the black person masked as white, he will be accepted and he will have power. This is the same critique of Fanon of colonizers. The colonizers have forgotten that the black people also have their own identities. The whites see no black individuality and power, but only their whiteness. This seeing of whiteness on blackness marks another neurosis from the side of the whites. What is it about their whiteness that they have loved themselves too deeply and too irrationally? Following the analysis of Fanon, having power and asking for too much of it dehumanized the white race of the colonial times. That power is white has been embedded in their mind, an embedding that has been too violently engraved that to remove it also means to aggressively remove a part of them. Thus, the colonized is psychologically damaged too. But as the black people who hammered away â€Å"How Do You Like Me Now† (1988) showed, it is not acceptable to be a non-human being. It is not acceptable to be colonized and still feel like a normal human being. There must be catharsis. There must be freedom from all alienations. The painting â€Å"Wives of Shango† (n. d. ) (fig. 2) by Jeff Donaldson captures the liberation from three fronts- liberation of race, liberation of gender, and liberation from one’s own struggles. In this painting, three black women are adorned with bullets and money. The two are not looking back at the viewers, but have superiority in the way their chins are turned up. The middle woman at the back dares to look back at the viewers. But the expression is fierce, and it makes viewers look away. This painting is an image of power. This image breaks away the â€Å"comparaison† that Fanon talks about. Fanon argues that blacks are in the state of â€Å"comparaison,† wherein: â€Å"†¦he is constantly preoccupied with self-assertion and the ego ideal† (185-186). This preoccupation is about blacks being â€Å"always dependent on the presence of ‘The Other’† (Fanon 186). â€Å"Wives of Shango† (n. d. ) is interpreted as the shedding away of this â€Å"comparaison. It does not have a drop of submission or weakness. The women symbolize the power of their gender and race. They are willing to pay and kill to exert power. They are willing to dominate their personal struggles too, by fixing it through money and blood. But the means of money and violence, on the other hand, can also be interpreted as the product of the white gaze. Is it possible that these women are also still being white, by using the same arsenals of the white race? The white race entered and conquered through violence and money. Are the black people going to fight back with the same kind of brutal force? In doing so, they are â€Å"being white† too. Fanon argues that to be black, black people should also accept their whiteness. Fanon says: â€Å"I am French† (179), which includes being part of the white French culture. Fanon argues that the black people could not annihilate the whiteness in them. In the same way, white people can also not demolish the blackness inside them. White and black have mixed already, and this merging of two races and cultures cannot be ignored. Though the white demon has seeded inferiority complex in the black psyche, Fanon suggests that the way to recovery from the white’s subjugation is accepting â€Å"that which is white† in them. The alienation that black people feel is another problem, as it has divided the black psyche into numerous conflicting dimensions. Fanon says: â€Å"That this self-division is a direct result of colonialist subjugation is beyond question† (17). The alienation renders unspeakable psychiatric damages as it injects â€Å"compound, ambiguous, and unsettling results, both internally and externally† (Brown-Guillory 35). Fanon recommends a white mask, but not all people can wear it. â€Å"Wives of Shango† (n. d. ) detaches itself from the white mask. It stresses the power of the black psyche that can be hung outside in full glory. This black psyche might be afraid though, even when it is confident. The women wear symbols of violence and fighting. They know that re-locating their positions in power centers can have drawbacks, and they are prepared with ammunition. Alienation has corrupted the mind completely that fear has been entrenched in the actions and beliefs of the black people. This is where Fanon makes sense. Fear that alienation has created can only be undone through accepting the whiteness. It is also about mending the anger with peace, not with violence. The white mask does not represent another form of oppression. It symbolizes the feeling of safety and trust with whiteness. It signifies the end of domination of the black, because anytime, that mask can be removed. And fundamentally, it is still a white mask. Fanon makes several strong points. Racism, colonialism, and sexism have maimed the psyche of the white and black people. They are divided within, because of these oppressive experiences. But the blacks can recover from this damage, as long as they can handle wearing the white mask. At the same time, they must remember that the white mask is only a mask. It is important for the black people to also find their black identities and revel in the dignity of wearing it inside and out.

Racism and ethnicity Essay Example for Free

Racism and ethnicity Essay Joseph Addison once said that, â€Å"If men would consider not so much where they differ, as wherein they agree, there would be far less of uncharitableness and angry feeling in the world. † This holds true to the sentiments I have when it comes to the numerous injustices people incur due to their skin color, ethnicity, and the like. I have seen and witnessed first hand the harm people can cause to one another due to petty differences between them; and I have also often pondered why such acts occur in our world. I used to think that this may be an isolated case; a freak phenomenon that has occurred solely in the confines of my home land. A social phenomenon that has existed in my home land due to the history our people have gone through. Yet, I have seen that such injustices and anger occur in other lands such as the United States of America and knowing of this makes me wonder if racism can be found in all societies regardless of geographic location and history. To get a better understanding of this social phenomenon I have decided to look into the cases of racism I have seen in my home country of Serbia and compare that to those acts I have seen here in America. Before I do proceed, I think it is necessary to take into consideration what racism really is. Many scholars have given various definitions to this phenomenon and the differences in the definitions can be attributed to the fact that the term covers a broad spectrum of implications of race-based bigotry, prejudice, violence, oppression, stereotyping or discrimination. Since it covers such a wide array of topics and takes into account various social issues we can take into account 2 general definitions of racism; the sociological and the legal. Racism is broadly defined as a form of discrimination based on characteristics of race and existing either as individual racism, which originates in the racist beliefs of a single person, or institutional racism, which occurs when racist ideas and practices are embodied in the folkways, mores and norms (Leeder. 2003). On the other hand, sociologists Noel Cazenave and Darlene Alvarez Maddern define racism as â€Å" a highly organized system of race-based group privilege that operates at every level of society and is held together by a sophisticated ideology of color/race supremacy. Racist systems include, but cannot be reduced to, racial bigotry,† (Cazenave and Maddern 1999: 42). Based on these definitions we can see two dominant themes when we speak about racism. The first among the two is the fact that racism takes into account the psyche of an individual. To be more precise, we deal with the construct of beliefs a person or group may hold against others as embodied by the mores and norms they have. The second aspect that we find is the fact that racism is a highly organized group structure as pointed out by Noel Cazenave and Darlene Alvarez Maddern. With regard to the second aspect, we find that racism is a social construct, a privilege of certain groups within a society. Hence, we are led to conclude that the social phenomenon can very well exist in any society. After all, there is no true homogenous society and the fact remain that differences abound between groups. Take the United States of America, though it is a single country the social structure can still clearly delineated between the different races that occupy its geography. As for my home country of Serbia, we also see that racism cuts across groups as I have seen people display acts of racial discrimination on gypsies; a group who since their unexplained appearance in Europe over nine centuries ago, the gypsies have refused to fall in with conventional settled life. They remain a people whose culture and customs are beset with misunderstanding, and who cling to their distinct identity in the teeth of persistent rejection and pressure to conform. This social group has been long been ridiculed and persecuted in Serbia. I have also personally seen people who look like neo-Nazis with their shaved heads launching verbal assaults and beating up gypsies. It is a saddening truth that things like this happen. What’s worse is the fact that gypsies are actually persecuted all around Europe. Other shocking instances of racial acts can also be seen in soccer games in Serbia. An example of this is even cited on a blog/news commentary on the Fox Sports website.

An Introduction To Political Cleavage Concepts Politics Essay

An Introduction To Political Cleavage Concepts Politics Essay The concept of a political cleavage is contested in important ways (Daalder 1966, Eckstein 1966, Dogan 1967, Zuckerman 1982, Bartolini Mair 1990, Neto Cox 1997), and whether cleavages exist in post-communist Eastern Europe might depend substantially on how the term is defined. Some authors who find that cleavages are weak or absent in the region use a rigorous definition of the term (Lawson 1999). It is argued here, however, that even when the definitional barrier is raised to a high level, political cleavages are in all likelihood present in the region(Whitefield 2002). Many studies have found a link between pre-communist historical legacies and institutional choice. For example Kitschelt argues that pre-communist experiences had an influence on the communist regime which ultimately has an impact on party cleavages. Indeed, he argues that pre-communist experiences can be distinguished rather easily, but the length of the political liberalisation phase in the 1980s and the significance of having had two or three rounds of free elections since 1990 may be disputable. While I do not believe that isolating these pre communist legacies is necessarily, I do believe that pre-communist legacies must be included in any analysis of post-communist social cleavages. I suggest that history is very important for the cases of Romania and Hungary. Furthermore, if we go back to Dalton, he insists that religious cleavage has followed the same pattern of decline as for the class cleavage. As he sees, one possible exception to the rule of declining social cleavages involves race and ethnicity. Nevertheless, even today, social, religious and ethic identities of citizens still have explanatory power in examination of voting behavior (Nieuwbeerta, 1998; Knutsen Scarbrough, 1995). The question on the relation between a countries social cleavage structure and political outcomes has become of extra relevance in Eastern European nations after the collapse of totalitarian regimes. Since the velvet revolutions in 1989 the political party structure in these nations had to be build almost from scratch, the question rises, according to Nieuwbeerta(1998), whether these new political systems developed in a way similar to how it is organized in Western nations. Therefore, to what extent are party systems in Eastern European nations based on major socio-economic cleavages in these nations? At first it is seems like that most newly founded parties in Eastern Europe represent such cleavages. For example in Romania and Hungary Social-Democratic and Liberal parties were created, as well as religious and nationalist parties. The concept of a political cleavage, however, is not universally regarded as useful by political observers of the post-communist world (White et al. 1997, Elster et al. 1998). Indeed, in a highly influential and controversial account published soon after the collapse of communist power, Fukuyama (1992) interpreted the event as an indicator of the end of ideological division across all modern societies, East European ones included. The collapse of communism could be seen as demonstrating either broad support for liberalism or, if we want to put the argument negatively, the absence of any alternative method of organizing modern society. From this perspective, although transition in the region would certainly have its winners and losers, the end of ideological competition meant that the political cleavages that had divided populations across industrial societies, most famously characterized by Lipset Rokkan (1967), were anachronistic. Differences among politicians and choices among vot ers would in this context be based on who could best do the job of delivering on liberal, market, and democratic policies(Whitefield 2002). But whether cleavages were envisaged or not, scholarly interest in the cleavage structures (or lack thereof) in post-communist states was often strongly grounded in pessimistic assessments of their putative effects on party competition and on the stability of these new democracies (Cirtautas 1994, Comisso 1997, Elster et al. 1998). According to these ideas, there are at least two important questions that should be answered. First, although the general shape of the cleavage structures of post-communism is better understood, the mechanisms for their formation are unclear or disputed. Most explanations of cleavages in more established democracies emphasize the importance of prior social organization in providing sources of interest and political allegiance among the public that allow coordination of voters and parties in structured and relatively stable ways (Sartori 1969, Przeworski 1985). Such prior social organization, however, was largely absent across Eastern Europe. Second, in order to speak with full confidence about the existence of cleavages, it is necessary to see stability and persistence in social and ideological divisions, but naturally these conditions are only weakly established empirically. There are also differing theoretical expectations about the stability of the social and ideological divisions in politics. Considerable volatility is evident in support for particular parties, and political parties themselves have often been short-lived, offering voters little opportunity to reward or punish them. But is this volatility of supply and demand for parties a sign of instability in the cleavage structure? For many countries, there is limited evidence available to test these possibilities because follow-up studies that might allow over-time comparisons have not yet taken place; however, it should be noted that where such evidence is available, it points to more stability than change in the structure of underlying social and ideological di visions, which strengthens claims about the existence of cleavages in the region and especially in Romania and Hungary. 2. The cleavage hypothesis If we want to understand the idea and the formation of cleavages, we should first find appropriate explanation. Party nationalisation might be explained as a consequence of the territorial structure of social or socio-economic divides (Lipset Rokkan, 1967). Caramani (2004, p. 15) addresses the centre-periphery and the urban-rural cleavage as territorial divides, connected to low levels of nationalisation. In contrast, functional cleavages, such as the economic cleavage in Western Europe, do not have a territorial character, so that parties organising along such cleavages are highly nationalised (cf. Caramani, 2004; Cox, 1999, p. 159). The explanation of party system structures by cleavages has been criticised though, because cleavages do not convert into parties as a matter of course, but this is produced by the political system itself (Zielinski, 2002, p. 187). Looking at Central and Eastern Europe, only a few scholars are looking for similarities of political divisions with social cleavages in Western democracies (Kitschelt et al., 1999). The view overwhelms that cleavages, especially if they are narrowly defined, are of limited relevance in the region (Elster et al., 1998, pp. 247-270). However, one social divide appears to be an exception to the rule: The ethnic divide is salient in Central and Eastern Europe (Evans Need, 2002) and helps many parties to mobilise their voters (Elster et al., 1998, p. 252). Ethnic minorities exist in almost all countries, and they vote in large numbers for their own parties. Furthermore, issues related to ethnicity help as well nationalist parties of the titular nation to mobilise their voters. The investigation of ethnic divides in order to explain party nationalisation degrees may yield promising results, as many of the ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern European countries are territorially settled. If such ethnic divides become manifest in party politics, then the ethnic structure of a country will explain why the electoral strength of political parties varies across regions. If we take into account the cases with Romania and Hungary, the best example could be inter-war Transylvania- the large ethnic Hungarian and German minorities constituted approximately 40% of the population, and all of the minorities were either Catholic or Protestant. If we add to this figure the number of Romanians that belonged to the Greek Catholic Church, then approximately 70% of Transylvanias population belonged to a Western Christian denomination prior to the communist takeover. These figures are important because, as Kitschelt argues, these pre-communist legacies influenced the communist reform process. In the case of Transylvania and Galicia these cultural and religious differences had a marked impact on the regions during the communist period. Nevertheless, Transylvania has traditionally been perceived, even during the communist period, as ethnically, culturally and politically different from the rest of the country. Therefore in order to assimilate Transylvania, nationali sm was an important ideological component of Romanian communism, particularly under Ceausescu. He promoted a form of national populism characterised by pseudo-egalitarianism and the non-recognition of any kind of diversity'(Whitefield 2002). However, the existence of diversity across post-communist states in the content of political competition is not evidence for diversity in cleavage structures. Support for political parties may vary as a result of many factors, discussed below, that are not connected to cleavages. And even if partisanship appears to be rooted in ideological and social differentiation, this may not result from social and ideological divisions in the population but rather from party strategies(Whitefield 2002). According to the empirical investigation, that Whitefield and Evans had done, there is a relationship among social and ideological differences and partisanship that would be expected if political cleavages were present. Naturally, although economic differentiation was common to all countries (if not always to the same degree), not all social identities and differentiated social experiences were equally present in all states; in particular, the religious and ethnic composition of countries in the region varies markedly. As a consequence, we found that the connection of social division to ideological division also varies; religiosity appears to matter much more to social liberalism in Catholic than in Orthodox states; and issues of ethnic rights are more firmly socially rooted where minorities exist and where the sense of social difference between ethnic groups is more strongly felt. This variation in the nature of social and ideological division is important because it appears to rela te to the nature of divisions that emerge in support for political parties(Whitefield 2002). TABLE 1: Political cleavages in post-Communist Eastern Europe (Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary): social and ideological divisions to partisanship Social bases Ideological bases Romania 1. Age, region (Bucharest), education 2. Ethnicity (Hungarians) economic liberalism, pro/anti-West 3. Region (Transylvania) 1. Social political liberalism, economic liberalism, pro/anti West 2. Ethnic liberalism 3. Pro-West, Jews Bulgaria 1. Ethnicity(Turkish) 2. Age, Class( professionals vs. workers) 3. Religiosity 1. Economic liberalism, pro/anti-West 2. Ethnic liberalism 3. Nationalism, Gypsies Hungary 1. Age 2. Religiosity 3. Class (urban-rural), education/class, settlement size, denomination(Protestant) 1. Economic liberalism, pro/anti-West 2. Social political liberalism, Jews 3. Social political liberalism, nationalism 3. Politics between economy and culture- the case of Hungary In order to continue to analyze the formation of cleavages in Eastern European states, I will try to give example with Hungary. Before that, I would like to point out some of the most important theories of Stein Rokkan linked with the work of S. M. Lipset. As a consequence of the early death of S. Rokkan, his work, in spite its richness and extension, can not be regarded as finished. Here are the basic ideas: 1. Territory as a key concept of politics in a cross pressure between culture and economy, implying: the equal weight given to economic, political-territorial and cultural dimensions; the interaction between geographical spaces and socio-cultural membership spaces, between center formation and boundary building; the conceptual map of Europe with an West-East axis differentiating between economic conditions for state-building and a South-North axis between cultural conditions for nation-building. 2. The identification of four cleavages following the critical junctures of: the national revolution creating the center-periphery and the church-state cleavages; the industrial revolution creating the urban-rural and the labour-capital cleavages. 3. The cyclical movement of cleavages: towards a national-international divide. It is often forgotten that Rokkan does not end his cleavage sequence with the worker-owner conflict of the industrial revolution, but points to an intriguing cyclical movement: breakdown of a supranational order (Roman Empire) establishment of culturally and politically distinctive nation states conflict over national versus international loyalties. (Lipset-Rokkan 47-48) Although the last formulation relates to the communist cleavage within the labour movement (not relevant any more), but in his latest works he points to the centrality of a reformulated version of a center-periphery divide: that between homogenizing supranational standardization and cultural distinctiveness, roots, national identity. ( Rokkan- Urwin, Flora 1983: 434). 4. The different political impacts of a gradual, organic sequence of cleavages ( in most of North Western Europe) versus the cumulation of state and nation-building cleavages together with the rapidity of enfranchisement and sudden modernization. The second alternative especially in the case of the discontinuity of or threats to national independence implies difficulties in transition to mass democracy. (Hungary is directly mentioned by Rokkan in this latter context.) Territorial-cultural conflicts do not just find political expression in secessionist and irredentist movements, however, they feed into the overall cleavage structure and help to condition the development not only of each party organization but even more of the entire system of party oppositions and interests (Lipset-Rokkan 41). 5. The historical long term continuity of collective political identities coalitions and oppositions on the level of alternatives, of parties and of the support market to be mobilized. Parties do not simply present themselves de novo to the citizens at each election; they each have a history and so have the constellations of alternatives they present to the electorate. (Lipset-Rokkan). Emerging cleavages affect, however, former alliances and restructure the party system. Rokkan points also to the existence of a certain lee-way for parties to translate social cleavages. 6. The freezing of party alternatives with the final extension of suffrage (mostly in the twenties), implying the inclusion of the lower classes. In contrast to an expanding support market with a creative phase of parties (Cotta 102) accompanied by a mobilization along cultural and territorial cleavages, the mobilization on the basis of purely economic cleavages comes only afterwards (Rokkan 1980: 118). The stage of mass democracy brings about an ever more closed electoral market with a mobilization controlled by the already existing parties. 7. The special role of social democratic parties on the left side of the labour-capital cleavage. Due to their strength and domesticability, their ability to maintain unity in the face of the man forces making for division and fragmentation (Lipset-Rokkan: 46), social democratic parties and the class cleavage in itself played a stabilizing and homogenizing, cohesive influence in most West European party systems. In countries with a troubled history of nation-building, marked cultural cleavages reduced their potentials. But the very logic of pluralism in democratic capitalism helped their entry into national politics. These parties, having joined the nation contributed to the neutralization of the radicalizing effects of sudden industrialization. (Lipset-Rokkan: 46, 48, 50). 8. The radical rightist anti-system cleavage. The rising networks of new elites, such as the leaders of the new large bureaucracies of industry and government, those who control the various sectors of the communication industry, the heads of mass organizations, the leaders of once weak or low-status groups, and the like constitute the focus of protest of fascist-type parties, which: are nationalistic, they venerate the nation and its culture; are anti-democratic; want to unite their supporters as one single pillar lead by deeply felt convictions about the destiny and the mission of the nation. These xenophobic and racist parties may mobilize segments of the middle and lower classes. As to their emergence and chances of success, contrasts in the continuity and regularity of nation-building certainly played a role (Lipset-Rokkan 23, 24, 25). After we pointed out some of the most important ideas from the Lipset and Rokkan concept, now I will try to form several important assumptions: The evolution of the Hungarian party system confirms the classical sequence of European cleavage formation with the initial and decisive emergence of identity-based territorial and cultural divides followed later by the appearance of economic cleavages. Hungarian party competition seems to reflect and even to anticipate new developments of Western party systems. There are real historical alternatives expressing different conceptions of modernization, of nationhood and of geopolitical location represented by the parties. For Rokkan and Lipset, party alternatives and the party system itself freeze. In Hungary and in some other Eastern European countries, intervals, parties and party structure are unstable and fluid. But the alternatives contained in the cleavage structure are amazingly stable: not the party system, but the cleavage structure is frozen. In the formation process of the parties (1988-89), in the subsequent three elections from 1990 to 1998, the same cleavage sets have mattered and structured party competition, namely: the three cleavage families of Westernization vs. traditionalism, post-communism vs. anti-post-communism and pro-market commodification (winners) vs. welfare statist decommodification (losers). This special freezing of alternatives and cleavages has, however, taken place in the context of a very much open and available electoral market . This deviance from the Rokkan-Lipset freezing pattern is the unavoidable consequence of the long discontinuity of the party system, the lack of traditions of mass democracy and the unstable interest structure of civil society. Due to the strong economic, social and political positions of the post-communist elites and surviving value orientations in the electorate, the definition of the rules of the game as a systemic issue (Offe 1991, Mair 1997) is expressed by the salience of a post-communism anti-post-communism cleavage family. It cannot be deducted from the Rokkan-Lipset scheme, and by its very nature, cannot become a long-enduring historical divide, but can be supposed to fade away. The taming of capitalism, the political regulation of the market with a political mobilization along a commodification decommodification axis is a crucial point of democratic consolidation and legitimacy. Following from the freezing of the Hungarian political cleavage structure in the phase of the dominance of the cultural-territorial and post-communist cleavage families, the increasing importance of this socio-economic divide is coupled with its absorption by or inclusion into the other two cleavage families. The post-1989 evolution of the Hungarian party system has brought about no political mobilization along the line of a classical labour-capital class cleavage. Finally, we should now indicate the main cleavages formed in Hungary, according to Mair: 1. The family of territorial and cultural cleavages Traditionalist forces stress historical continuity, Hungarian nationhood, favour community ove society, are for strong authority, strong church. Their value orientations are more particularist than universalist, they have an inclination to love the rural, even if they are urban Westernizers are outward-looking, for catch-up modernization, they favour individualism, multicultural diversity, they stress secularism and human rights. 2. The family of post-communist cleavages This set of cleavages has several dimensions an ideological dimension of anticommunism which can be based either on particularist national, religious identities or on the universalism of individual human rights and rationality; a political dimension expressed in the relationship to the Socialist Party looked upon as the successor party; a power dimension of competing elites and of the re-definition of the rules of the game outside and inside politics; a structural dimension reflecting the symbiotic dualism of the present society with a secto rooted in late communism and a sector of emerging capitalism iv; an emotional and biographical dimension with a population split into two halves: one half who feel they lived better in the last years of real socialism and another half thinking differently. 3. The family of socio-economic cleavages With economic transformation progressing and with an overwhelmingly materialist electorate this set of cleavages has become central in the society, but the early freezing of the party system structured along the above mentioned two cleavage sets is still complicating the clear translation of this divide into programmatic and public policy alternatives. 4. Old Theories vs. New Parties: Romania Post-communist party system Surprisingly, post-communist cleavages in Romania have been the spotlight of relatively little attention. Indeed, as Crowther writes: If skeptics are correct, Romania should stand out as a strong case for the inapplicability of social cleavage analyses. Because of the peculiarities of its pre-communist and communist past, Romania is often taken as an archetypical example of the post-communist countries dearth of civil society. Or, in other words, it is almost impossible to test the theory of Stein Rokkan or S.M. Lipset, without necessary sharing Crowthers point of view on the inapplicability of social cleavage analyses. Most recent works on the concept à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communist cleavages commence with a few comments on Lipsets and Rokkans cleavage theory applied to the case of Central Europe. One of the most respectful professors from Bulgaria- Georgi Karasimeonov indicates that Lipsets and Rokkans cleavage theory was formulated on the special conditions and terms of a particular European western model. Karasimeonov contributions to the debate can be interpreted in the tradition of the analysis of the electoral behavior and party formation in transnational societies revealing at least four types of cleavages: residual (historical), transitional, actual and potential8. De Waele, seeks to clarify and categorize the relationship between the original theory of cleavages as it is applied to Western model and the post-communist experience undertaking his project with the view of three cleavages: 1. The first set of objective considerations influencing the emergence of the post-communist party system concerns the economic cleavage. De Waelle argues that the socio-economic cleavage (à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾maximalist vs. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾minimalist) comes from the communist regimes successful orientation towards destruction of the capitalist economy. De Waele himself flags up this problem with his own definition: the term à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾maximalist is used to describe the adherents of a fast transition. In theory, the claim that the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾minimalist perspective is likely to have a socioeconomic basis has been highly dependent upon overall record of mixed progress with uneven and slow reform implementation. On the contrary, the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾maximalists represented the turning point for the post-communism. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾The maximalists launched new reform programs, a macroeconomic plan stabilization and structural reforms, an ambitious shock therapy for the Romanian economy, including the liberalization of prices and the foreign exchange market as well as the accelerati on of the privatization. 2. The second cleavage, the so-called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾authoritariandemocratic divide, refers to the inability of a significant part of the society to renounce in discursive terms the communist legacy (although, in Romania this did not necessarily translate into a rejection of all kind of authoritarian attitudes). In many recent studies on authoritarian attitudes in postcommunist Romania, researchers have pointed the electoral success of Vadim Tudor in 2000, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾as a distinctly unpleasant surprise for many in the West. The case in point was the increase of supporters of a latent antipluralist attitude towards the European values arena. 3. The third cleavage line is between the communists and the anticommunists. The à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾old attitude, a so-called à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾pre-communist behavior was usually reactivated after the emergence of the new parties. Given the discontinuity of the transition, à gh concludes that the confrontation between the two groups led to the formation of a multi-party and the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾first generation parties. He also witnessed the fact that the new parties were formed à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾as second generation parties, and the third category, the so-called small à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾third generation appeared much later. In a similar way, Gill argues that it is difficult to establish the real significance of the cleavage between the two types. He also indicates there have been at least three referential ways to see post-communism: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communism as a system, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communism as a condition, à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¾post-communism as a situation. After this analysis of the main three cleavages that the Romanian post-communist system has experienced, it is almost impossible at this point to raise the discussion of a consolidated democracy. With politics in Romania still changing, the outlines of the three families of cleavages advanced in this article constitute a significant obstacle towards consolidation. 5. Conclusion Finally I would like to go back to some of the main points I have presented: The evolution of the Eastern European party system confirms the classical sequence of European cleavage formation with the initial and decisive emergence of identity-based territorial and cultural divides, with their dominance over socio-economic divides followed later by the appearance of economic cleavages. The salient manifestation of the cumulation of cultural and territorial cleavages in the part system corresponds clearly with the cyclical movement in the framework of the Rokkanian scheme demonstrating how globally the centrality of a national-supranational divide. The example with Hungarian party competition seems to reflect and even to anticipate new developments of Western party systems. There are real historical alternatives expressing different conceptions of modernisation, of nationhood and of geopolitical location represented by the parties. These alternatives are olde than the most of the Eastern European electorate, but they deviate from the mainstream in Western Europe. In the formation process of the parties (1988-89), in the subsequent three elections from 1990 to 1998, the same cleavage sets have mattered and structured party competition, namely: the three cleavage families of Westernization vs. traditionalism, post-communism vs. anti-post-communism and marketization, commodification (winners) vs. welfare statism. This special freezing of alternatives and cleavages has, however, taken place in the context of a very much open and available electoral market . This deviance from the Rokkan-Lipset freezing pattern is the unavoidable consequence of the long discontinuity of the party system, the lack of traditions of mass democracy and the unstable interest structure of civil society. The post-1989 evolution of the Hungarian and Romania party system has brought about no political mobilisation along the line of a classical labour-capital class cleavage. Instead, I have observed the following attempts for bringing the welfare statist decommodification cleavage in: coupling it with the post-communist cleavage, coupling it with the defence of national identity, coupling it with the religious cleavage, coupling (its radical variant) with an aggressive and racist social nationalism. After all, I still believe that formation of cleavages in East Europe, according to the thesis of Lipset and Rokkan, is almost impossible to apply to these countries. However, the cases which I in detail discussed (Hungary and Romania), are the best example for the existing of cleavages in Eastern European states. Therefore, indicates that even the model of Lipset-Rokkan was more applicable for Western European countries, especially because of different economical and political development, the existing of cleavages in East Europe was possible even before 1989, and the model is still useful nowadays.

My Philosophy on Education - Hopes, Goals, and Dreams Essay examples --

My Philosophy on Education - Hopes, Goals, and Dreams When I was sixteen I started working with children from low socioeconomic backgrounds at a Family Resource Center. Everyday I saw how many of the children got overlooked at home and at school. This experience was critical in my decision to become a teacher because I know that I will always go the extra mile with each and every child. All children have lots of potential and need to be able to express it in some form whether it is with creative writing, making maps or building a model. All children deserve to be given the adequate time and attention they need to grow, learn, and achieve. Children should feel comfortable developing hopes, dreams, and goals and realize that they have the opportunity to achieve them. The pace and level of knowledge that a child learns is relative because every child learns differently. I think that children learn in many different forms including through the use of visual aids, verbal communication and written format. I think that most material should be broken down so it will be easier for the child to grasp. I agree with the theory of Socrates in that students should be questioned and questioned again so that they can rethink what they believe in. I think the purpose and importance of education is to develop children’s thinking capabilities, creativity, social skills and interactions to there fullest. Education is the key that will allo...

Birmingham :: essays research papers

Foundations   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Today is an important day for myself, as well as all African Americans still fighting for our basic human rights that were spelled out in the Constitution almost two hundred years ago. We no longer want to be known as uneducated or secondary citizens. It is time that we are recognized as an equal race of people, and not simply just as â€Å"niggers.† The oppressor will never free the oppressed; it is up to the oppressed to free themselves. Therefore, the black people will cease to be kept quiet and will begin to make a united stand against the racial barrier that exists in the United States, especially in Birmingham.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Under the leadership of Dr. Martin Luther King our people will continually work to create chaos until the so-called â€Å"elite† hears us. His clear vision has, and will continue to guide us through the obstacles that stand in the way of achieving political, economical, and social equality in this nation. A nation that was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds; it was founded on the principle that all men are created equal. Human rights are the foundation for human existence and co-existence, and when one man’s rights are threatened, every man’s rights are diminished.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Through Dr. King’s courageousness, commitment and sacrifice, African Americans in Birmingham will be able to effectively protest the wrong doings and hardships of the past two centuries, in an attempt to forgive We now refuse to be held down or persecuted against by hate groups and those in elected positions. If you choose not to fight with us, then you are a part of the problem and not part of the solution – may God have mercy on your soul. Nothing will stand in our way to keep us from accomplishing our goal of freedom. At the very least our efforts will work to achieve tolerance for the differences between the majority and the minority. Success will be the only acceptable result.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  However, a clear plan will be followed to attain this outcome, and this plan that has been shaped by Dr. King himself does not involve the use of violence.

Prescription Medical Marijuana

Many different people have different views on the prescription of medical marijuana. Marijuana is a good form of medicine for those who really need it. People think that marijuana should be illegal in their state. Physician recommend this substance to patients with illnesses. In the 1970’s a synthetic version of THC in marijuana. In order to get prescribed marijuana you have to have an illness such as anorexia, anxiety, cancer and many more Some people thought that marijuana should be illegal in there country. Mitt Romney felt that marijuana should be illegal because kids can get hooked on drugs by trying marijuana. He thought it is the pathway to drug usage by our society. He also says that theirs a synthetic version of marijuana for those who really need it. I think that this is a dumb statement because kids can do the things they want and if they choose to do drugs that’s their chose. Mitt Romney gave a speech at a town hall meeting in Bedford, New Hampshire. Mitt Romney said â€Å"Don’t open the doorway to medicinal marijuana†. Some people felt that the dispensaries should be shut down. Los Angeles city council felt that they should shut down all dispensaries. Thy said that its okay for people that really need marijuana as their medicine but now people that don’t really need it are getting it just to smoke marijuana. The city council are saying that anybody is getting their prescription marijuana card even if they don’t really need it. That is true that they wrong people are getting their prescription for the wrong reason but they shouldn’t close down all dispensaries because all those people who really do need it are going to have trouble getting their medicine. Mitchell Englander said â€Å"Los Angeles have experimented with marijuana and has failed†. My perspective on prescription medical marijuana is that people should be allowed to get their medical card because they need the medicine to help them. It is wrong that people get the card for the wrong reason but there are many people that have the card for the right reason and they just want marijuana so they can survive and help them. Marijuana should be legalized because the government would be able to make a lot of money by taxing it because a lot of people are going to buy this crop. In conclusion, marijuana should be legalized for the government to be able to tax and make a very good profit off of it. Their are people that think that it should be illegal and shutdown. Theirs also people that are like me and think that marijuana should be legalized. Everybody has their own reason on why they think marijuana should be illegal or legalized. Marijuana is a good form of medicine for those who need it.

35 Dumb Things People Say

Matt Paradowski 35 Dumb Things People Say Dr. Cullen has been referred to as being the best there is at simplifying the complex issues of diversity in an entertaining and educational manner (MauraCullen. com). As expressed on Dr. Cullen’s website, she has been capturing the minds and hearts of people with dynamic seminars and speaking engagements in the United States, Canada and Australia. She is considered one of the best authorities on leadership and diversity. She also has worked with over 400 organizations with audiences of up to 8,000 people. Dr.Cullen holds a Doctorate in Social Justice and Diversity Education. She has 25 years of experience as a diversity trainer and speaker at over 400 universities and organizations. Maura Cullen is the author of 35 Dumb Things Well-Intended People Say: Surprising Things We Say That Widen the Diversity Gap. She is a higher education student affairs professional and is the founding faculty of the Social Justice Training Institute. (http ://www. mauracullen. com). Her Education background includes The University of Massachusetts, Amherst, Springfield College and Bridgewater State College. http://www. linkedin. com/in/mauracullen). The audience I believe Dr. Cullen is trying to reach is everyone in general, but many of the sayings that deal with race are geared more towards white people. When reading â€Å"The 35 Dumb Things Well-Intended People Say† it seems that she was referring to everybody. I am pretty sure just about everyone has said at least one of the sayings at least once in their life. Out of the 35 sayings listed I have said 10 of them many times in my life. The book basically says to the intended audience to think before you speak.Some people could take the book as telling you to more politically correct. After reading over this chapter to me Dr. Maura Cullen seems to be an upper class Republican who is too busy worrying about what everyone thinks or says. She seems to want everything to be very s ocially and politically correct. In the real world life will never be like this. Sometimes while reading this chapter of her book I thought she thinks she is better than everyone else. If people didn’t say these things sometimes the world would be bland and everyone would act the same having no feeling or thoughts of their own.Who is she to say these things are dumb to say. I am not saying she is not smart but I am saying people need some of these sayings in their life and that yes some may be considered dumb but some are also very relevant. I really don’t think that everyone is going to think that this is offensive or that the person saying it is an idiot or dumb. In today’s day and age I don’t think people really care if they offend another person. I really never thought about or noticed if any of the sayings in this book were offensive or not.Will I try to stop saying the ones that I think are offensive? Sure I will but I have been saying them for so l ong or have heard people saying them that it is going to be extremely hard to change. While reading this chapter, I saw some things people say that I think are pretty damn funny. For example # 30 states, â€Å"That’s so gay/queer or that’s so retarded† (Cullen pg. 103). Anyone with some sort of common sense would know when people say this they are not talking about homosexuals or mentally handicapped people. Anyone with an ounce of intelligence would know this.When people say, â€Å"that is so gay† or, â€Å"that is so queer† they are actually saying whatever they are talking about is dumb or stupid. The same goes for the saying, â€Å"that is so retarded. † Personally I say these things a lot. I don’t mean anything bad by saying it. It is just that I have grown up saying it and do not think it is offensive. Like I said before anyone with an ounce of intelligence would know the true intention of saying, â€Å"That is so gay† or â€Å"That is so queer†. An example of a saying I think has some relevance is number 16 â€Å"I never owned slaves. (Cullen pg. 83) This is one of the saying I think is geared only toward white people. I think it is relevant because of the amount of reverse racism in the world today. Many black people still complain about â€Å"The Man† or white people. The black people that complain about white people usually say that the white man is holding them back. In all honesty the only holding them back is themselves and their lack of drive, determination and hard work. So white people started saying â€Å"I never owned slaves† so don’t complain to me about your short comings.If anyone is discriminated against it is white people. The reason I say that is because of affirmative action. Why should someone get a job over a more qualified applicant solely based on the color of their skin and that the employer doesn’t have enough of that race working for them . Finally that last quote I thought had some relevance at least in my life is number 20 calling women â€Å"Girls, Honey, Sweetie Pie,† or other familiar terms. (Cullen pg. 87) I used this statement all the time. I use it in the way Dr.Cullen says it is intended for which is to make a connection or attempting to make an environment more casual or friendly. (Cullen Pg. 87) I do not see it as sexist or condescending. I do not think it is disrespectful either. I say this because when a man calls his significant other sweetie pie or honey they definitely are not trying to be sexist. I know for sure they definitely are not being condescending either. The thing is women say things like this also it is just men do not think it is sexist or condescending.Out of all the women I may have called sweetie pie or honey in my life I have never had anyone get upset behind my back or to my face about it. People who are not so uptight or stuck on themselves will not think it is sexist or conde scending either. I do not think people need to watch what they say from now on. I believe that more people need to loosen up and accept life as it comes to them. Is it really worth complaining about these sayings? I for one think it is â€Å"retarded or gay† to complain and worry about all this crap.I have been through many thing in my life one of which was a near death experience. Life is too short to try and do everything the proper or â€Å"right† way. Sure some of the 35 saying could be a little on the rude side but hey no one is perfect, right? People have been saying these things and will continue to say these things until the end of time. Some things may change in time but not all. Weather it is rude, sexist or condescending it is all in the eye of the beholder. If we could all just except each other as they are then these sayings would be irrelevant anyways.I enjoyed reading this chapter of Dr. Cullens book but sometimes it made me angry after reading her best bets sections. Sure she has a doctorate but her best bet situations will not always be correct.Works Cited Dr. Maura J Cullen Diversity Taking Adversity out of Diversity. 2010. 29 Nov. 2010. . Dr. Maura Cullen Diversity Training & Coaching Professional. 2008. 29 Nov. 2010. http://www. linkedin. com/in/mauracullen  Cullen, Maura. Morgan James Publishing. New York: Garden City, 2008. Print.

Excellence Both On and Off the Field at Delaware Valley College

I am very excited about the prospect of attending Delaware Valley College.   DelVal’s business program would offer me a diversity of options in my intended career path.   Ranging from Accounting to Sports Management, I know that I can find a study area that will fulfill my long-term goals of working in business.Being sports-oriented, my current interest is in Turf Management.   With DelVal's ranking of 23 amongst schools that offer a bachelor's degree in turf management, I am excited to begin working toward that short-term goal. With more than 500 acres of outdoor laboratory space and DelVal being a small school, I look forward to the individual hands-on attention that can bring.Having been coached by an excellent football coach, Jim Algeo, in a very successful program at Lansdale Catholic High School, I am eager to become a member of DelVal’s successful NCAA Division III football program.   My intention is to show excellence both on and off the field.Located in Doylestown, PA, the college is very close to my home.   I have very close relationships with many of my family members, so being able to see them on a regular basis is very important to me.We are very close-knit, and I value the contributions my family members can make to my college experience.   The Doylestown community offers so many activities that would hold my interest as well.Having heard glowing reports from others regarding Delaware Valley College, I just know that it would be a good fit for me.   I look forward to finding out how I can be a useful member of the school community and grow academically and socially into an exceptional young man.   It would be an honor to represent Delaware Valley College.   

Analysis of Barclays Bank Essay

Introduction The process of restructuring the telecommunication sector truly got under way in Cameroon in June 1995, when the authorities decided thoroughly to reform network industry sectors such as water, electricity and telecommunications with a view to creating a favourable environment in which to develop their infrastructure and services and thus to satisfy increasingly exigent demand. The process took the form of liberalization, State withdrawal from the sectors concerned and the establishment of a  market structure enabling Cameroon to remain in step with the especially rapid global developments in the telecommunication sector; indeed, in spite of the investments made, the coverage rate and quality of service offered had remained largely inadequate. The process was carried out not only by defining the conditions and mechanisms liable to guarantee the sector’s opening to private initiative, but also by enacting regulations and taking measures intended to enable the sector to play t he decisive role incumbent on it in Cameroon’s economic development. Telecommunication sector reform in Cameroon is not limited to the establishment of new regulations and legislation, to the revision of the institutional framework and the establishment of an interconnection regime or to the introduction of competition. It should also comprise bringing behaviour in line with the times. One of our chief concerns is therefore also effective application of the regulations with a view to fulfilling the universal service obligation, ensuring consumer protection and providing for effective and appropriate regulation of true competition. The acquisition of the required know-how is the biggest challenge we face. The institutional players on Cameroon’s telecommunications scene are, as in many other African countries, of the opinion that any society that delays in jumping on the NTIC train will remain mired in a state of underdevelopment. Observations Background Before 1990, as in most African countries, telecommunication services were managed by a national publicly-owned monopoly. The administration in charge of telecommunications set the rules, ensured they were applied and was itself an operator. The results did not always live up to expectations. In June 1990, the President of the Republic signed the order on the programme to privatize public and semi-public enterprises. The telecommunication sector was added to the programme in June 1995. In July 1998, law 98/014 governing telecommunications in Cameroon (the Telecommunications Act) was promulgated. It established the Telecommunication Regulatory Agency and attributed sector responsibilities to a variety of players: the operation of  telecommunication networks to operators, regulatory matters, i.e. application of the rules and supervision of operators, to a regulatory body, the definition of sector policy and the enactment of market regulations to the telecommunication administration. In September of the same year, two public enterprises, CAMTEL for the fixed telephone service and CAMTEL MOBILE for the mobile telephone service, were set up to take over the telecommunication activities of the Ministry of Post and Telecommunications and of the public enterprise INTELCAM, which was in charge of operating and developing international telecommunication installations. The Telecommunication Regulatory Agency was set up at the  same time. Immediately after, the sale of a mobile telephone licence and the process of privatizing CAMTEL and CAMTEL MOBILE got under way. In June 1999, a mobile telephone licence was granted to a private enterprise. The privatization of CAMTEL MOBILE was completed in February 2000. The privatization of CAMTEL is not yet complete. A third mobile telephone licence is to be issued. In less than two years, the sector has undergone sweeping change. Suffice it to mention one indicator: in January 2000 there was one mobile telephone operator with about 5 000 subscribers; on 31 March 2001 there were two operators with over 140 000 subscribers. This rapid and in-depth transformation is taking place within a constantly improving legal framework. II A liberal legal framework The development of new technologies and liberalization have permitted access to new telecommunication services which, depending on their specific natures, require appropriate regulation. The Telecommunications Act sets forth a new regulatory framework, opening the telecommunication sector to competition. The framework, which distinguishes between public and private networks, provides for three legal arrangements: concessions, authorizations  and declarations. 1 Concessions The State can grant one or several public or private corporate bodies all or part of its rights to establish and/or operate telecommunication networks. The concession is subject to strict compliance with the requirements set forth in a list of terms and conditions. This arrangement allows the State not only to keep a watchful eye on the harmonious development of modern telecommunication infrastructure, but also and above all to heighten its control over the development and supply of the basic services and facilities us ually demanded by the majority of users. 2 Authorizations The arrangement of prior authorization applies to the establishment and/or operation of telecommunication networks by physical persons or corporate bodies with a view to providing the public with a basic telecommunication service, a value-added service, a bearer service or any other service by using one or several radio frequencies. A list of terms and conditions containing the requirements to be met is attached to the licence issued to the bearer of a prior authorization. The authorization is issued for a fixed period and can be withdrawn under certain circumstances. 3 Declarations Declarations apply to the establishment of private internal networks, low-range and low-capacity private independent networks (that are not radio networks), low-range and low-capacity radio installations (to be determined  by the Administration), and the provision to the public of telecommunication services other than those subject to the arrangements of concession and authorization. Telecommunication terminal equipment is either freely provided or subject to type-approval. Certain provisions of the Telecommunications Act are detailed in decrees and implementing legislation. We shall not examine all of them here; indeed, some of them are still being drafted. The reform in Cameroon established the separation between the regulatory and operating functions. It works in favour of operators being entities controlled by private capital. The general framework for competition is governed by legislation on competition. The legal framework is supplemented by institutions. III 1 A revised institutional framework The telecommunication administration Spectrum management and the legislation and regulations relating to telecommunications are the exclusive domain of the State. The telecommunication administration has been invested, on behalf of the government, with general jurisdiction over the sector. It sets the general regulatory framework. It therefore establishes and implements telecommunication sector policy, whose aim must be to safeguard the missions of public service, to promote harmonious network development throughout the national territory and effective private sector participation in the sector’s wealth and employment-generating activities, and to ensure compliance by all operators with the applicable treaties, laws and regulations. In addition, the administration supervises the telecommunication sector, oversees public telecommunication enterprises, represents the State at international telecommunication-related organizations and events, and manages the radio spectrum on behalf of the State. The Telecommunication Regulatory Agency, which technically answers to the telecommunication administration, is the specialized body in charge of  facilitating actual application of the regulations issued. 2 The Telecommunication Regulatory Agency The organization of the Telecommunication Regulatory Agency established by the Telecommunications Act is set forth in decree No. 98/197 of 8 September 1998. The Agency has three main duties: – to ensure the regulations are implemented; – to guarantee respect for the regulations and the exercise of competition; – to settle certain disputes between operators. The Agency’s regulatory authority is subject to performance of the following activities: – definition of the principles governing tariffs for services; – examination of requests for authorization and declaration and of type-approval files for terminal equipment to be connected to public networks; – establishment of principles for calculating interconnection costs; – establishment and management of numbering plans; – management of the frequencies attributed to telecommunications; – submission to the government of proposals aimed at developing and modernizing the sector; – opinions on draft legislative and regulatory texts concerning telecommunications; – control and penalties for infractions. The Agency is specifically competent to settle disputes concerning interconnection, access to a public network, numbering, cases of harmful interference, and sharing of infrastructure. The Telecommunications Act provides the Agency with a quasi-judicial body and an arbitration procedure can be set in motion should one or the other of the parties be opposed. The parties remain free to bring their case before the competent court. IV Human resources Human resources are the key to management and progress, for they have knowledge, that rarest of economic commodities in the 21st century. The current transition from a monopoly environment to that of controlled competition has given rise to new demands in terms of basic knowledge and know- how in telecommunication regulation. Telecommunication leaders and staff in Cameroon were still dealing with the transition from analogue to digital when circuit switching was suddenly replaced by packet switching. This recent change has reshaped the concept and definition of telecommunication networks and services. Everything must therefore be done to make sure the human resources acquire the skills they need for their own development and that of companies, which create wealth for the well-being of peoples. The Ecole Nationale Supà ©rieure des Postes et Tà ©là ©communications, an independent facility run by the Ministry of Post and Telecommunications, provides basic instruction in telecommunications and ICT to technicians (technical and operating staff), supervising technicians (operating technicians and supervisors) and senior technical managers (works engineers and operating inspectors). It plans to organize standing professional certification for the staff of public and private enterprises and of the public administrations in charge of telecommunications and ICT. V International cooperation Cameroon has always been present and active in regional and international telecommunication organizations. It is a member of the Administrative Councils of both the African Telecommunication Union (ATU) and the International Telecommunication Union (ITU). It has had very few bilateral exchanges of experience and information with other African countries. The ineffectiveness of regional (ATU) and subregional organizations (CAPTAC) has precluded the launch at subregional level of cooperation activities aimed at developing telecommunications in Cameroon. At the international level, ITU  has not been closely involved in telecommunication sector reform. In the past eight years, it has provided some technical assistance but otherwise almost no support for telecommunication development projects in Cameroon, possibly because the Area Office in Yaoundà © is not functioning. The capacities of the Area Office in Yaoundà © should be reinforced. Its main duties should be: – To disseminate ITU documents and information in the area. For this, it should have the means required to provide the documentation centres of the main players in each of the area’s countries with the documents and books needed to acquire knowledge in telecommunications and ICT, for most of the sector’s African managers will have to teach themselves. In this respect, hard as opposed to electronic copies remain invaluable in Africa.